“My organization”

"My organization." Pedro Sánchez repeated this expression at least ten times during his appearance. It's party language. It's an expression that can sound awkward in a parliamentary debate . Why does Sánchez repeatedly refer to his organization? Because he sees it in danger.

The Socialist convoy is surrounded, receiving fire from all sides, and has lost contact with the Seventh Cavalry. The PSOE finds itself in a dangerous gap without the explicit support of the influential media group (Prisa), which for decades, with ups and downs, has helped it build a hegemonic narrative. The hegemonic narrative of the Spanish center-left. It is impossible to write the political chronicle of Spain today without taking this fact into account. Without the support of the newspaper El País and the Ser radio station, Felipe González would have lost the NATO referendum in 1986.

Everything has happened at a rapid pace in the last three months. After the April power outage, a series of changes and movements have taken place within Madrid DF that threaten to blow the fuses of the Socialist Party. Those fuses could have blown yesterday, but the debate concluded with the feeling that Sánchez, once again, had managed to save the set point, when he already seemed hopelessly defeated. A set point, not a match point. The match is still uphill.

"My organization." Sánchez spoke yesterday to his own people, in a concentric sense: the Peugeot survivors, who are increasingly fewer; the current leadership group; the regional leaders; the provincial and local leaders; the members, the supporters, the voters; and, finally, the citizens in general. Sánchez's ordo amoris today is concentric. Under siege, the order of affections advises taking care of the leadership group first, because if it breaks, the main Spanish political force of the last fifty years could collapse. Sánchez did something else: he recalled the corruption cases during Felipe González 's term and vindicated José Luís Rodríguez Zapatero . The current PSOE, under siege, without the Seventh Cavalry, faces the mahogany and Emilian PSOE.

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The PSOE is not the Italian Socialist Party that disintegrated in 1991 as a result of the Mani Pulite process. It is stronger. It has deeper roots, but today it experiences a media minority it hasn't known since 1976.

Under the guise of a State Plan against Corruption, the president submitted yesterday to a covert vote of no confidence, without a vote, which he managed to overcome thanks to Yolanda Díaz and Gabriel Rufián . Díaz cannot say "my organization" because he doesn't have one. He has tried to build it, but hasn't succeeded. She is the second vice president and yesterday she found herself in a sad and dramatic situation, since her father, the Galician trade unionist Suso Díaz , had just died. She decided to speak in Congress, emerged nervously, and bolstered Sánchez. She has linked her fate to that of the president. Rufíán brought color, wit, and liveliness . Rufián belongs to Esquerra Republicana, but increasingly speaks as an independent leftist candidate.

The key to the debate lay in the parliamentary partners' temper. Absolute coldness would have defeated Sánchez. The PSOE didn't come out unscathed.

Feijóo perhaps didn't count on this and got angry . Sánchez reminded him of all the PP's ugly dealings, mentioned the photos with Marcial Dorado , and the opposition leader resorted to a brutal personal attack.

Then Santiago Abascal appeared, equating the PP with the PSOE . Vox is one minute away from denouncing the 1978 regime , as Podemos did in 2014. Vox speaks to the truly indignant, rides the wave of new youth reactionism, and targets 18%. Maybe more. Vox is already pointing to the Kitchen case, the biggest dead body the PP has in its closet.